The Process Model in Policy Changes

The Process Model in indemnity ChangesThis paper advances the theoretical framework of the stagist heuristic framework or sometimes know as the plow mannequin in attempting to explain and analyze the insurance insurance indemnity activities which led to the enactment of Quebecs tobacco plant Act1of 1998. The main premise of this paper is to gauge the usefulness of the process pretense in understanding the polity fashioning process by a comparative study between this model and the protagonism Coalition framework (ACF). I employ, and borrow, the case study of Bretton et al., (2008) that offers an alternative note to the forelook to the developments of the Tobacco Act using the Advocacy Coalition textile. This paper concludes with a password of the models which satisfactorily reflect the reality of how policies argon articulated and implement.1. IntroductionThis paper is organized into 4 parts. Part single sketches the theoretical perspectives of the stagist heuristic model and examines the factors and processes atomic number 82 to the adoption of the Tobacco Act. Crucially, this part will highlight the vital role of form _or_ system of government actors in affecting polity processes and outcomes. Part Two provides a critical analysis to the effectiveness of the model by elaborating the advantages of the model. Part Three will go on to provide criticisms of the model by comparing it with the advocacy coalescence framework used in analyzing the Tobacco Act of 1998. This part will present the m whatsoever criticisms of the stagist model, using mainly contributions offered by Lindblom Woodhouse (1993) and Sabatier (1999). Finally, Part Four concludes with a brief overall assessment of the framework, considering in particular, its status as an analytical tool for understanding policy reservation in the real world.In the place background of this paper, policy analysis is defined as a set of interrelated ends taken by a free radical of or ganisational actor or crowd of actors concerning the selection of goals and the means of achieving them within a specified situation where those decisions should, in principle, be within the power of those actors to achieve (Jenkins, 1978 35). From Jenkinss (1978) definition above, which acknowledges common policy as a set of interrelated decisions taken by numerous individuals and organizations in government, I will form the basis of this paper. I will focus only when in understanding the processes or what Jenkins (1978) referred to as interrelated decisions engineering to the adoption of the Tobacco Act. His definition to a fault correlates to Lasswells conceptualization of knowledge of sort of than knowledge in policy making, in which the latter (i.e. knowledge in), is more than substantive and prescriptive (Dunn, 1981 Hogwood Gunn, 1984, Hill, 1993).The policy domain is inherently complex, and so analysts have made use of confused models of simplification to comprehend t he overwhelming situation and to understand it more thoroughly. Through the lens of the stagist heuristic model, policy analysts have been able to synthesize the complexity of such process into a series of functional phases, which frame this overtly political process as a continuous process of policy making.1.1. The Stagist Heuristic FrameworkAs pioneered by Lasswell (1956), and modified by Jones (1970), Mack (1971), Rose (1973), Anderson (1975), Jenkins (1978), Brewer De Leon (1983) and Hogwood Gunn (1984), this ideal-type framework adopts a technocratic approach to national policymaking, embracing linear and logical forward motion from agenda setting and concluding with policy rating and termination. The chronological orders of the policy life cycle are commonly categorized as line of work definition, agenda-setting, policy planning, implementation and finally evaluation (Dunn, 1981 Hogwood Gunn, 1984 Sabatier, 1999 tarnish, 2002 Colebatch, 2002).1.1.2. Problem actuali sation and definition.Hitherto, the greatest impetus to the developments of policy science crystallizes on a response to a myriad of favorable paradoxs within, what Lasswell terms as policy orientation (cited in Dunn, 1981 Hogwood Gunn, 1984 Howlett Ramesh, 2003). Similarly, the process model presupposes the recognition of business triggered by a felt existence of fusss or opportunities (Dunn, 1981). A problem is defined as an unrealized value, need, or opportunity which, however identified, may be attained through humans guardianship (Dunn, 1981 44) which needs to do something about as pointed out by Wildavsky (1979) a difficulty is a problem only if something can be done about it (Wildavsky, 197926).However, problem recognition and definition are not straight forward activities. According to Birkland (2007) because a problem is a process of social construction, as mirrored by Dunn (1981) who states how the problem is in the eye of the beholder (Dunn, 1981 27), it depends o n subjectivity of interpretations held by various stakeholders. And so, the majority ruling may be ill-defined and, at times, may even so be misframed2(Baker, 1977). In addition, as Steiss Deneke (1980) suggests, problems are seldom mutually exclusive because they often exist in a hierarchical kindred to one another, and the outcome of one may depend on the solution of another, either higher or lower in the hierarchy (Hogwood Gunn, 1984 124) thusly may often lead to a further redefinition and modification of the problematical situations (Wohlestetter, 1976 Wildavsky, 1979 McRae Wilde, 1985), which, in turn, lead to the creation and realization of more problems (Wildavsky, 1979), which I go on to address in the pursuance paragraph.Quebecs Tobacco Act was primarily enacted as a response to the growing concerns of the public towards the issue of supine smokers or secondary smokers. As reported by Breton et al. (2008), the Tobacco Act was enacted to protect the fundamental righ t of non smokers to enjoy a smoke free environment than by the harms to health (Breton, et al., 2008 1682). However, the definition of the issue leads to the breakthrough of more social problems. On one hand, problems such as addictiveness of smoking, prevalence of youth smokers (which have significantly lead to raising educational awareness of the hazards of smoking), how the majority of the population are non smokers and, finally, the financial burden to the public health care system are brought to attention. On the other hand, protesters of the bill have contested the lethality to passive smokers, arguing that such intervention major power impede the competitiveness of the tobacco industry (through the implementation of tax) and, thus, affect the economy of the province.In liberal democracies, such as Quebec, problem identification and definition are conceptualized as highly pluralistic, involving diverse policy stakeholders such as the public (population, retailers), individu als (Minister of Health), organizations (e.g. Quebec Division of Cancer society, Ministry of Environment, Ministry of Health, Hospital industry), pursual groups (e.g. Tobacco manufacturers, Non Smokers Right Association, Tobacco workers union, Events Rallying for the Freedom of Sponsorship group), the media, policy communities (Regional Public Health Directorates RPHD, columnists and journalists, Quebec Coalition for Tobacco Control CQCT and in like manner mentioned U.S administration) (Dunn, 1981 Sabatier, 1991 Kingdon, 1995 Dye, 2002 Howlett Ramesh, 2003) the actual agenda setting is characterized by different patterns in terms of actor composition and the role of public. There are outside initiation as well as inner(a) initiation3(May, 1991 cited in Fisher, Miller Sidney, 2007) mobilization and consolidation4(Howlett Ramesh, 2003). In this case, the tobacco control adheres to Howlett Ramesh (2003) concept of consolidation whereby due to the impending agitation of the issue amongst the public and subsequent contraband crisis of cigarettes smuggling in the US, policy elites (prominently the impertinently Minister of Health and the National Assembly NMA) have seized the opportunity for government legitimacy in tobacco control by, effectively, propagandizing the issue to the public via regularly intervening in the media on different aspects of tobacco control and visiting MNAs cabinets (Breton et al., 2008 1685).1.1.3. Agenda settingNext, I explore the agenda setting phase which Birkland (2007) defined as the process by which problems and alternative solutions gain or lose public and elite attention (cited in Fisher, Miller Sidney, 2007 63). The elevation from systemic agenda into institutional agenda5is usually dominated by power struggles between groups competing to elevate or layover issues from r distributivelying the institutional agenda (Cobb Ross, 1997) acting singly or, more often, by building strategic coalition with others (Sabatier, 1991 Lindblom Woodhouse, 1993).From the case study, this process is signaled by the agenda of the peeled Minister of Health and the tabling of the bill by the Council of Ministers at the legislative meeting. As part of his strategy in building a winning coalition, the Minister successfully gathers allies and supporters for the bill by establishing the CQCT embracing Sabatiers ACF model. In addition, Breton et al. (2008) mentioned that the Minister of Health has also announced plans to include in the bill provisions that prohibit dynamical involvement of tobacco companies in sponsoring arts and sports events. Spearheaded by the centralized coordination of the CQCT, the winning coalitions which compose of Non Smokers Association and various municipalities through representatives from the RPHD, effectively debated the bill and gathered political support from the Council of Ministers at the parliamentary commission meetings, which resulted in the official adoption of the bill on February, 1998.1.1.4. Policy formulation and decision-making.In the traditional exemplify model of the public policy process, policy formulation is part of the pre-decision phase of policy making in which the political interchange described by Lindblom (1993) as disputation of ideas emanates. It involves identifying and/or crafting a set of policy alternatives to address a problem, and narrowing that set of solutions in preparation for the final policy decision. This approach to policy formulation, insert in a stages model of the policy process, assumes that participants in the policy process recognize and define a policy problem, consequently moving it onto the policy agenda.During this stage of the policy cycle, expressed problems, proposals and demands are transformed into government programs. At the same time, studies of policy formulation have been strongly dominated by the effort to improve practices within governments by introducing the techniques and tools of rational decision ma king. In all political systems people gather facts, interpret them and debate issues. This stage is when the Minister establishes centralized operate through CQCT to formulate the policy to tackle the issue of public smoking. In addition, the continuous dialogue and consultation involved in an agreement of the bill with NGOs, municipalities, health institution, local and regional organizations as well as oppositions falls into this stage. Crucially, the bill was also amended to streamline the phasing out of tobacco industry sponsorship but offered no alternative solution to youth smoking and did not contest the actual harms on health of tobacco use (Breton, et al., 2008 1686).Brewer DeLeon (1983) usefully define decision making as the choice among policy alternatives that have been generated and their likely effects on the problem estimatedit is the most(prenominal) overtly political stage in so far as the many latent solutions are winnowed cut out and but one or a select few p icked and readied for use. (Howlett Ramesh, 2003162). The models on decision making are classified as rationalism which asserts utility maximization to complex policy problems in which policy relevant information was gathered and then think in a scientific fashion on the assessment of policy options (Howlett Ramesh, 2003166) and incrementalism which describes policy making as a political activity of maintaining the status quo through gradual and continuation of past policies.1.1.5. Implementation.Dye (2002) defined implementation as the implementation of policies through organized bureaucracies, public expenditures, and the activities of executive agencies (Dye, 2002 15). Intra- and inter- organizational coordinating problem and interaction of field of agencies with the target group ranked as the most prominent variables accounting for implementation failures (MacRae Wilde, 1985 Howlett Ramesh, 2003). Another explanation focuses on the policy itself, acknowledging that empty-h anded policy implementation can be, though by no means the only, result of bad implementation, but also bad policy design, based on wrong assumptions about the cause-effect relationship (Hogwood Gunn, 1984 Fisher et al., 2007 52).The study of implementation is dominated by the concept of top-down centralized implementation and bottom-up implementation. The top-down civilise or the vertical dimension represented, for instance, by scholars like Van Meter Van Horn (1975), Hood (1976), Gunn (1978), Nakamura Smallwood (1980) and Mazmanian Sabatier (1983), conceive of implementation as the hierarchical carrying out of centrally defined policy intentions (Fisher et al., 200789). Proponents of the bottom-up or horizontal approach include Lipsky (1971, 1980), Ingram (1977), Elmore (1980), and Hjern Hull (1983) who have emphasized the fact that implementation consists of everyday problem strategies of street-level bureaucrats (Pressman Wildavsky, 1973 Colebatch, 2002 Fisher et al., 20 07). In this case, the policy implementation correlates closely with the top-down approach because the implementation is based on the commitments and directives from the top echelon of the government i.e. Minister of Health and Ministry of Health.1.1.5. Evaluation.Finally, evaluation is the post hoc analysis of policies and programmes carried out by government agencies themselves, outside consultants, the press, and the public (Dye, 200215) through collecting, testing, and interpreting information about the implementation and effectiveness of existing policies and public programmes (Majone, 1989 167). The plausible normative rationale is that policy making should be appraised against intended objectives and impacts form the starting point of policy evaluation, which forms the basis for justifying government actions for continuation or termination of public programmes and enables accountability of government offices especially in democratic setting (Majone, 1989). However, from the c ase study, it is un forgive whether any form of evaluation was carried out or not.2. Advantages.Despite depicting the developments of the Tobacco Act in a series of stages, as mentioned by Hogwood Gunn (1984) in the dividing lines between the various activities are artificial and policy makers are unlikely to perform them consciously or in the implied logical order (Hogwood Gunn, 58), Lasswell, as Hudson Lowe (2004) note, did not conceptualized these stages as real, in the sense that they encompass clear beginnings and ends. Rather, their function organism merely analytic-to help us explore different dimensions of the policy process. He Lasswell is more concerned with the value systems, institutions and wider social processes that shaped policy in the real world (Hudson Lowe, 2004 5). Therefore the process model does provide precious descriptive analysis of the policy process.As explained above, the process model helps to disaggregate an other than seamless web of public policy transactions, as each segment and transition are distinguished by differentiated actions and purposes. Furthermore, the cumulative analyses of the various stages, arguably, sum to the disentangling of the intricate political and social interdependencies, manifested in the policy arena, to bring about an ordered and manageable system6(DeLeon, 1983).Furthermore, this process framework has significant strategic implications. Firstly, by analyzing the policy actors and processes in discrete stages, it assists in identifying how stakeholders may support or resist health policies (ODI, 2007) and wherefore develop strategies in building winning coalitions as mentioned by Easton (1979) which states how the process model lend themselves to the identification and study of interactions, not only among the various stages in the process but also among various dynamic organizations and between organizations and the lager social and economic environment (cited in Hogwood Gunn, 1989 25). Althou gh this might be more applicable to the ACF, such advantage also applies to the process model especially during the agenda setting phase. As described above, in the agenda setting phase, the process model highlighted and identified various policy stakeholders and analyzed the relationship of policy advocacies which resisted (Tobacco Manufacturers and Tobacco Workers Union) against those whom supported the bill (Minister of Health and Non Smokers Association) thereby enabling the assessment of the cumulative effects of various actors7, forces, and institutions that interacts in the policy process and therefore shape its outcome(s) (Jann Wegrich 2007 cited in Fisher, Miller, Sidney, 2007 44).Secondly, it also helps in identifying and addressing various obstacles that undermine successful implementation of policies (ODI, 2007). The process model follows the assumption of how public policy making is a goal oriented process aimed to reach a goal or realize an objective or a purpose (An derson, 1984 cited in Colebatch, 200285), henceforth policy makers are able to identify constraints, which in this case, a negotiation with oppositions and gathering public support for the bill ensured the successful adoption of the bill.Finally as pointed out by Hogwood Gunn (1984), the process framework is rather flexible in the sense that it enables us to systematize existing knowledge without precluding the integrating of future insights (about stages, influences, interactions, etc) to the framework (Hogwood Gunn, 1984 25). In other words, it improves the prospects of technical evidence considered during policy formulation leading to evidence based policy making. The most common method in the British government in gathering technical information for systematic analysis of policies is through trial and error achieved by carrying out a pilot test onwards actual implementation of policies.3. Criticisms A better understanding in policy making.On the contrary, Parkinson (2008) in his lecture, quite rightly so, signal that the process model resembles a mechanistic tool that describes checklists of parts present in the policy making arena parallel to Nakamuras (1987) notion of a textbook approach (Sabatier, 1999).Henceforth, the top down legalistic framework is an artificial portraiture of the policy process (Dunn, 1981 Sabatier, 1999) as stated by Lindblom (1993) that deliberate, orderly steps are therefore not an accurate portrayal of how the policy process actually works. Policy making is, instead, a complexly inter-active process without beginning or end (Lindblom Woodhouse, 1993 11). In other words, these processes do not evolve in a pattern of clear cut sequences instead the stages are constantly meshed and entangled in an ongoing process which is more accurately resembles a primeval soup (Kingdon, 1995 Howlett Ramesh 1995). Therefore, the process model leads to the imposition of hypothetical explanation of future events which may be inappropriate or tawdry with actions occurring fitfully as problems become matched with policy ideas considered to be in the political interests of a working majority of the partisans with influence over the policy domain (Lindblom Woodhouse, 1993 10).3.1. rationalisation of processes.Hogwood Gunn (1984) question the coherence and rationality of the process model as a blueprint for action by giving rational explanation or exculpation of past acts, even when the acts in question do not lend themselves to such treatment (Hogwood Gunn, 1984 26). Furthermore, Lindblom (1993) also argue that the stages are not hierarchical which reward from agenda setting and concluding with evaluation rather they often overlap loop with each other as analysis proceeds. This is further elaborated below.Firstly, Lindblom (1993) argue that there may not even be a stage when problem definition occurs, since participants often vary widely in their ideas about the problem (Lindblom Woodhouse, 199310). He explains that this is because policy sometimes is formed from a compromise among political participants, moreover, none of whom had in mind quite the problem to which the agreed policy responds (Lindblom Woodhouse, 199310).Secondly, Lindblom Woodhouse (1993) also point out the inaccuracy to suggest that the decision-making phase exist. As suggested by Heclo (1972) a policy can consist of what is not being done (Hogwood Gunn, 1984 21) and, thus, equally important, are the decisions to keep issues, that would be inconvenient, firmly off the agenda for political success in winning the disputes that arise. In other words, policy may emerge without any explicit decision, by failure to act as or the power of nondecision making (Bachrach Baratz, 1962 Heclo, 1972). Bachrach Baratz (1962) which exhibits the existence of institutional bias so that key groups are excluded in what is termed as the three dimensional view of power, in which power is used to exercise to control over the agenda of politics and of the government agencys in which potential issues are kept out of the political process (Lukes, 2005 25). Furthermore, stating decisions are taken exclusively in the decision-making phase is rather inaccurate, because in reality, decisions are constantly being made regardless of the stages you are in. For example, during the policy formulation, policy makers makes decisions on which alternatives to adopt for consideration and hence to implement and during the implementation stages, policy makers make decisions on the choices of policy instruments to be utilized (Hill, 1993 Howlett Ramesh, 2003).Thirdly, Lindblom Woodhouse (1993) also argued that implementation and evaluation cannot be separated from the other steps. As mentioned by Lindblom Woodhouse (1993) an attempt to implement one policy intimately always brings new problems onto the agenda, meaning the implementation and the step called agenda building collapse into each other (Lindblom Woodhouse, 1993 10). An exam ple from the case study is that during the implementation of the Quebec Tobacco Act, to include taxation on tobacco and a ban on tobacco sponsored arts and sports event, subsequently led to the discovery that such measure might impinge the competitiveness of tobacco industries and affect the economy of the province.Finally, policy evaluation often regarded as the end of the line, does not actually constitute a step in policy making unless it throws light on possible next moves in policy, in which case evaluation becomes intertwined with all other attempts to appraise and formulate options for reshaping government activity (Lindblom Woodhouse, 1993 10). Moreover, I think that the evaluation phase overlaps with the agenda setting phase and the policy formulation phase. During the agenda setting and policy formulation phase, policies are also evaluated needed to persuade and influence people in adopting and supporting the bill.3.2. Multiplicity of interactions.On the other hand, Sabat ier (1999) note the framework oriented scholars towards feeling at just one stage at a time, thus neglecting the entirety of the process by stating that they portrayed a disjointed, episodic process rather than a more ongoing, continuous one (Sabatier, 1999 23). In addition, Sabatier Jenkins Smith (1999) set out 5 major deficiency of the heuristic approach it provides little description of how policy moves from one stage to another it cannot be tested empirically it is essentially a top down which fails to take account of street-level and other actors and it disregards denary levels of governmental interactions. Finally, it does not provide an integrated view on the gathering of policy related information, apart from the evaluation phase (Parsons, 1995 Sabatier, 1999) as pointed out by (Majone, 1989) the effectiveness in solving social problems centres in bringing more information and systematic analysis into the policy making process.From the case study, it is clear that the pr ocess model is limited in its cleverness to provide institutional analysis of government interactions because it is primarily conceived to provide systematic analysis of the overall policy making process, unlike institutionalism perspective which focuses on the role and relationship of government institutions which regards public policy as an institutional output of the mechanisms of the government where it is authoritatively determined, implemented and enforced by these institutions (Dye, 200212). Furthermore, the process model adheres to the view that policy making is a hierarchical top down process which initiates from agenda setting and finally ends with evaluation stage and therefore only takes account of authorized decision makers. Finally it is also rather limited in empirical research on each stage and only makes an attempt to describe systematic gathering of information in the evaluation phase only. However, on the other hand, I would have to disagree with Sabatier (1999) in that the process model does not provide clear differentiation between the stages and the progression from one phase to another. I think the primary distinction of the stagist model lies in the context of policy environment and policy stakeholders involved8. Henceforth taking the definitions which I presented above of each stage and the ones offered by Dye (2002 14-15), the demarcations between the stages are summarized in the table belowPhasePolicy Stakeholder (i.e. who are involved)Policy Environment (i.e. where does it take place)1. Problem identificationIndividuals, public and sequestered organizations, interest groups, think tanks, mass media and policy communities.Public debates, consultation with public, and sometimes top level government officials identify it themselves.2. Agenda settingPublic officials acting as gatekeepers as well as involvement of policy entrepreneurs.Mostly done by the Executive branch of the government and in government offices.3. Policy formulatio n in general done by government officials in Executive agencies, but may also involve interest groups, congressional committees, and think tanks. again done in Executive government offices but may also involve the Legislative branch of the government i.e. Parliament or Senate.4. ImplementationPrimarily street-level bureaucrats and occasionally involving public participation.Carried out in formal government institutions.5. EvaluationDone by government agencies but may also involve the public through medias, consultants and think tank organizations. Also very important is the use of citizen juries to evaluate public programmes.Evaluation is carried out in government offices, but also may be carried out in NGO organizations (such as EU, UN etc) and non-governmental institutions.In addition, Breton et al., (2008) successfully utilize the ACF to explain how the interactions of multiple policy advocacies have impacted policy change, which is another major deficiency of the stagist heurist ic model. As mentioned by Majone (1989), both continuity and change are inherent in the conception of policy (Majone, 1989 35) and therefore should be accounted for in the models in its capacity to comprehensively capture the policy making process.For example, the ACF manage to show how the changes in the external events directly impact the center field beliefs of tobacco subsystems and hence resulted in the adoption of Tobacco Act (Refer to Fig.2 in Breton et al., 2002 1683). However unlike the ACF, process model does not provide description on how policies are impacted by change. Moreover the process model assumes that every policies starts from scratch i.e. always starts by identification of problems. Conversely, policies may be enacted not from new problems or opportunities that emerge, rather continuation of past policies in which case, the problem identification phase may be invalid.4. ConclusionIn conclusion, the process model provides valuable insights in directing analysts attention to critical features in the policymaking process, and on elucidating the policy process paradigm. Furthermore, although the ACF model is conceived to account for the entire policy process, it is limited in its capacity to explain only the policy formation (i.e. agenda setting and decision making). In other words, both models differ in their level of analysis, which I rely have been successfully demonstrated above.On the other hand, the idea of breaking down the making of public policy into phases, may well impose stages on reality that is infinitely more complex, fluid and interactive but to adopt a cyclical metaphor, it is not necessarily an unreasonable or unrealistic way of looking at what happens when public policy is made. Nonetheless, the process model does still provide some useful insights in public policy making. In my opinion, the most important thing is not to look at one best model to explain a particular policy rather a crew of models is needed as pointed o ut by Dye (2002 12)These models are not competitive in the sense that any one of them could be judged best. Each one provides a separate focus on political life, and each can help us to understand different things about public policy. Although some policies come out at first glance to lend themselves to explanation by one particular model, most policies are a combination of rational planning, incrementalism, interest group activity, elite preferences, game playing, public choice, political processes, and institutional influences.